NZ perspectives on the Asia-Pacific

The Asia-Pacific is an emerging region that the international community increasingly needs to factor into its thinking.


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Foreign Minister Winston Peters speech to Clingendael, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations, at The Hague, 3.30pm, 15 October

Thank you for this opportunity to share some insights into New Zealand's perspective on the Asia-Pacific - an emerging region that the international community increasingly needs to factor into its thinking.

We'd like to believe that New Zealand is well advanced down that track, and we are happy to share our experiences and perceptions with like-minded partners in Europe.

As part of our immediate neighbourhood, the Pacific is a region in which New Zealand's own identity and destiny is closely intertwined.

We are, after all, a Pacific nation. Around one in sixteen New Zealanders is of Pacific Island origin, and Auckland is the largest Polynesian city in the world.

There are significant numbers of Samoans, Tongans, Cook Islanders, Niueans, and Tokelauans living in New Zealand - in the latter three cases, many more than are now living in their home islands.

These New Zealanders help shape our growing identity as a culturally, ethnically and linguistically diverse nation.

Traditional perspectives on the Pacific conjure up images of a tropical idyll with beautiful islands, peaceful people, and a safe natural environment. Sadly in many parts of the region, that snapshot masks a troubling picture.

Political unrest and violence remain significant features of the Pacific landscape, as witnessed last year by a coup in Fiji, and riots in the Solomon Islands and Tonga.

Furthermore, in parts of the Pacific, pockets of absolute poverty are growing.

The socio-economic indicators of some Melanesian countries are almost on a par with those of sub-Saharan Africa. Internal volatility, land conflicts, population pressures, and ethnic tensions are driving down living standards.

New Zealand has an important stake in efforts to address these sorts of issues.

Our relationships in the Pacific are a priority for the New Zealand government, and for me personally. We occupy the same economic, social and security space. Therefore the quality of the region's economic growth and social development, as well as its flows of people, finance, and goods and services, are matters of considerable common interest.

That means that the deeply concerning poverty indicators in parts of the Pacific are New Zealand's problem too.

It is in our interests, as much as theirs, to see that our Pacific neighbours are well educated, healthy, able to earn a living, and can embrace the values underpinning a well-governed democratic society.

Over half of all New Zealand's international aid - which is handled by our dedicated development agency NZAID - goes to the Pacific region, focusing on poverty alleviation, sustainable rural livelihoods, health, education, and good governance.

Traditionally, New Zealand's aid work in the Pacific has emphasised good governance and economic and social development. Last year we increased NZAID's budget significantly, and our assistance to the Pacific will exceed $NZ1 billion over the next five years.

The last few years, however, have also seen us engaged as a major provider of security, with a number of Pacific nations teetering on the brink of civil war and anarchy.

We have deployed forces to restore peace and stability in Timor-Leste, the Solomon Islands, Tonga, and the island of Bougainville in Papua New Guinea. Each situation has called for a different kind of response, and increasingly, this response is a regional one.

The Fiji coup remains a key focus of our Pacific diplomacy. We are deeply concerned by the behaviour of the military regime that installed itself in Suva last December.

It has created a climate of fear; repressing freedom of expression and other basic human rights.

Fiji's development has been severely impeded by the four coups that have taken place in the past 20 years. While Commodore Bainimarama claims to be working towards a return to democracy in early 2009, we have seen no evidence thus far that would support this claim.

What has been encouraging, however, is the response of the wider Pacific Islands community to events in Fiji. Following the coup, the Pacific Islands Forum took swift action through a Foreign Ministers meeting that condemned the coup, and an Eminent Persons Group visit that sought to encourage Fiji to make a speedy return to democracy.

It is this use of regional resources to tackle common security problems, and to foster a culture of regional cooperation, that is crucial for the long-term viability of the Pacific.

New Zealand is working to encourage this developing sense of regional identity among Pacific nations. In this regard, the Pacific Plan, an ambitious plan focused on growth, development, sustainability, and conflict resolution, remains the most targeted effort yet for fostering a real regional dynamic.

The nature of the current political, economic and security challenges in the Pacific means that there are no quick fixes.

Collaboration with other regional partners, including the United States, United Kingdom, France, Japan, and China will remain central to New Zealand's Pacific diplomacy.

New Zealand welcomes in particular the greater involvement of the EU in what is an increasingly unstable part of the world. We see the EU as a constructive, like-minded partner in the pursuit of democracy, security, good governance, and sound development across the Pacific region.

Let us now turn to Asia, and examine how evolving institutional architecture there might contribute to the region's political and economic stability and strength.

New Zealand has a long-standing history of close engagement with countries in Asia, built around the full range of political, security and economic interests which we share.

Like the Pacific, the stability and security of the Asian region is fundamentally important to us because we are part of the wider neighbourhood. What happens in Asia - especially in East and South East Asia - can significantly affect us.

In recognition of this, we helped out by deploying troops to the Korean peninsula under UN Command in the early 1950s; to Malaysia during the Malayan Emergency in the 1950s and 60s; to help with the rebuilding of Cambodia under UN Command in 1993, and for nation-building work in Timor-Leste under differing arrangements in 1999 and 2006.

We also provide a range of development assistance to a number of countries in the region, depending on their level of development. One of the key programmes 50 years ago was the Colombo Plan, under which many students came to study in New Zealand. That flow continues today, and we greatly welcome it.

Asia's political and economic stability is another of our primary concerns, and to that end, we became a dialogue partner of the Association of South East Asian Nations, or ASEAN, more than thirty years ago.

The top-level meetings associated with the Asia-Pacific's regional institutions such as ASEAN and APEC, have resulted in leaders, ministers, and officials all getting to know each other well.

The regional parallel here in Europe would be with the European Union. Clearly your level of integration is much more advanced than in the Asia-Pacific, but the relationship-building that paves the way for more integration is well under way.

The regional architecture of the Asia-Pacific is currently undergoing a period of fluidity and change, with the emergence of a number of ASEAN-centred processes for regional integration, such as the EAS, and considerable debate within established fora such as APEC about their future shape and direction.

APEC is the largest regional circle with which we are engaged, and it remains strategically important to New Zealand because it encompasses a broader membership than the EAS, including the United States and other Western Hemisphere countries.

Its promotion of regional integration, based on a model of free and open markets; the regular opportunities it provides for senior-level contact with key regional partners, and the mechanism it provides for retaining US engagement in the region, continue to serve New Zealand interests well.

The EAS first convened in Kuala Lumpur in December 2005, and New Zealand's inclusion was a significant milestone for our relations with Asia.

As the EAS further cements its place in the region's architecture, and potentially over time forms the nucleus for an emerging East Asia community, New Zealand's participation will enable us to further deepen our relationships in the region.

Questions are likely to hang for some time over the respective roles of the EAS and APEC in promoting regional integration. While there is currently potential for overlap between the two institutions, we expect this to work itself out over time.

The emergence of the EAS has, in fact, had some positive benefits in terms of helping to rejuvenate existing structures such as APEC. It is only natural for there to be a period of evolution as they both seek to define their respective roles.



Economic integration processes are also being advanced in the form of APEC's proposed Free Trade Area for the Asia Pacific, and the EAS initiative for a Closer Economic Partnership for East Asia.

However, the dynamism of Asia is evident not just in economic terms. We have witnessed the emergence of a region that is increasingly confident and outward looking.

This year marks our 35th year of diplomatic relations with China - now our fourth-biggest trade partner. New Zealand has strong, broad relations with China of significant bilateral importance.

We share many similarities with the EU in our priorities and activities vis-à-vis China. As a result, New Zealand sees real value in maintaining a dialogue on China with the EU, and sharing experiences.

China's rise is the major strategic issue in the region, as its growing economic strength leads to a more active and confident regional and foreign policy.

China's key foreign policy goal is to maintain regional stability, essential for its domestic agenda of economic growth and social stability. Taiwan is an important and complicating factor.

New Zealand was the first developed country to start negotiating a Free Trade Agreement with China. The fourteenth round of talks was held in Beijing in August, and with further progress having been made, we have reaffirmed our intention to conclude a comprehensive agreement by April next year.

China's engagement in the South Pacific - the home of one-quarter of Taiwan's diplomatic allies - is increasing. New Zealand has emphasised to China and to Taiwan the importance of supporting regional priorities, and the damaging effects of "dollar diplomacy" on governance.

China's growing prominence will bring new opportunities and challenges for both Europe and New Zealand.

We will both need to emphasise to China the importance of it playing a full and responsible part on international issues, and we will need to continue to engage with Beijing on tough issues such as the environment, climate change, and human rights.

New Zealand is committed to doing all we can to bring political and economic security to Asia. We have long supported efforts to maintain peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and in the wider region. We have offered to contribute to the second stage of the energy assistance package if North Korea demonstrates a genuine commitment to implement the Six Party Talks' Initial Actions Agreement.

New Zealand is interested in playing an appropriate role in support of the Six Party Talks. Many potential stumbling blocks remain, including North Korea's unwillingness to disclose its nuclear programmes fully; its alleged uranium enrichment programme, and its desire to receive light water reactors. I intend to accept an invitation to visit North Korea later this year.

New Zealand remains greatly concerned about the situation in Timor-Leste. The underlying causes of unrest remain unresolved, and a number of problems such as poverty and unemployment are contributing to ongoing instability.

Timor-Leste will need the support of the international community for many more years to come.

New Zealand has a considerable aid programme in Timor, focused on sustainable rural livelihoods, basic education, and good governance, and we welcomed the EU's contribution to this year's elections there, as well as the important role it played in the Aceh peace process.

The other Asian region currently at the forefront of the world's attention is, of course, Myanmar.

The escalating tensions and the threats of the regime to crack down hard on protests are of great concern to New Zealand.

Myanmarese authorities must respect the legitimate right of its people to engage in peaceful protest, and they must refrain from unwarranted or violent acts of repression. We will continue to speak out against the suppression of human rights in Myanmar.

As you can see, New Zealand is heavily engaged in the various architecture of the Asia-Pacific region.

So how do we want our participation and engagement to be perceived?

New Zealand wants to be viewed as a valued partner - outward looking, and willing and able to contribute to stability and prosperity. Ultimately, we try hard to be committed regionalists, and these extensive undertakings encompass the wide spread of our political, security and economic interests.

In 1994, New Zealand founded the Asia New Zealand Foundation to improve our understanding of Asia; not just in the business community but in every sector of New Zealand society.

The emergence of Asia, and our determination to be fully engaged with the region, makes the significance of the Foundation even more crucial today than at the time of its establishment, and it has an increasing influence in defining the sort of role that New Zealand can play in the region.

In closing, it will be evident to you that our geographical differences mean that New Zealand's view of the globe differs somewhat from that of European nations such as the Netherlands.

While we share the same values, and are involved in many of the same issues, each of us tends to focus our magnifying glass on bilateral and regional relations in our vicinity.

For New Zealand, that focal point is the Asia-Pacific. However, the relationship between our two countries is one that is steeped in friendship and tradition. This goes from Abel Tasman's discovery of New Zealand some 365 years ago, to the significant influx of people from the Netherlands after World War Two, right through to the present day.

It cannot be overstated that our relationship with Europe remains extremely important to New Zealand. We view ourselves as natural partners, and members of a community of shared values in a globalising world.

Distance and time are not eroding the links between our respective hemispheres. On the contrary, we are deepening our engagement with Europe across multiple fields; science, education, policy and security dialogue, and co-operation.

We follow the developments of European architecture closely, and participate in the OECD alongside Europeans.

The breadth of our coverage with Europe is exemplified by our links with NATO, the Council of Europe, and most recently through the Joint Declaration with the EU.

As you will know, the updated joint declaration was signed off during the consultations on the Presidency of the European Union in Portugal last month. We now have a single, modernised document that will serve as the framework for our relationship for at least the next five years.

The declaration sets out the directions in which the relationship has moved and explores ways in which it might be enhanced further.

New Zealand sees the document as a most welcome development in our relationship with Europe as a whole, which we are confident will continue to grow from strength to strength.